By Eung-Do Cook
prone to turn into one of many vintage works in Amerindian linguistics, this booklet provides a complete grammar of Sarcee, an Athapaskan language spoken in southern Alberta. according to the voluminous notes accumulated via Edward Sapir in 1922 and supplemented by means of wide facts from Cook's personal paintings with the few final audio system of Sarcee, the e-book not just offers with all significant components of linguistic constitution but in addition deals insights into linguistic adjustments that have happened in this century. basically descriptive, with various examples drawn from textual content fabrics to aid claims approximately grammatical constitution or rule, the e-book additionally includes many money owed of Sarcee and Athapaskan info which endure considerably on present theoretical concerns. even though the over-all technique is generative transformational, the fabric is gifted in modern analytical and descriptive terminology. Preceded by means of an advent defining the orthographic conventions and abbreviations used during the ebook, the subsequent chapters are dedicated to a radical dialogue of syntax, phonology, and morphology. The chapters on syntax represent the one in-depth presentation of such fabric for any northern Athapaskan language. an incredible documentation of the geographically and linguistically vital Sarcee language, this ebook could be welcomed by way of students in Athapaskan reports in addition to by means of linguists as a rule as an important contribution to the overall wisdom of language and linguistic thought.
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Extra info for A Sarcee grammar
67 So why do the sacred and profane binaries exist for the people Eliade wrote about? Because Eliade considered it proper, time and time again, to say that they do even if his subjects of study have no words or concepts for what he claims. As he says, “The polarity sacred-profane is often expressed as an opposition between real and unreal or pseudoral. ; what ar e mesoame rican re l igions ? ”68 The thing? Perhaps Eliade was more precise elsewhere in how he arrived at his universal claims in his profuse writings on the same theme; he says, “It is useless to add that the terms ‘reality’ and ‘transcendence’ do not exist in the vocabularies of archaic peoples.
Nor are they considered to operate independently of the immediate surroundings in which man finds himself and his society. 78 My experience with my Maya consultants reveals a world view strikingly similar to what Basso described above for the Western Apache. A careful reading of most ethnographies on Native Americans reveals the same. [The] different nu what ar e mesoame rican re l igions ? 13 ñu’un shows that the earth, for Nuyootcos, is a complex and varied cosmos. The idea of “sitting” somewhere connotes, for Mixtec speakers, permanent residence and proper place.
34 c h a p t e r 2 Maya Kings, Politico-Religious Kinship, and Communicating with the Ancestors Mesoamerican archaeologists have documented that the Maya buried their dead in residential shrines, under house floors, and within pyramidal structures. 19 The ancient Maya apparently liked to keep their ancestors close at hand by burying their remnants close to their social and living spaces and thereby continue a reciprocal relationship where they could readily ritually attend, feed, and communicate with them.