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Extra resources for Authority and Welfare in China: Modern Debates in Historical Perspective
More generally, Xunzi rejected any philosophy that dealt in abstractions or in ethical intuition. He insisted that ideas and principles that should be discussed are only the ones that have a useful purpose in society (see Xunzi, Vol. 1, pp. 7, 9 and Tillman, 1982, p. 25). Although Xunzi recognized that many factors could contribute to disorder, he believed that all of these and all other social and political problems of the state, had their origins in 20 Ancient Authority and Welfare the people's struggle for resources.
Kang claimed that once all people were enriched, once China had attained its 'great community' (da tong), 16 all people would also become empowered because authoritarian rule would be transferred to 'people's rule' (Hsiao, 1975, pp. 30, 160-1, 427). Kang's Support for Constitutional Monarchy (1898-1911) At the end of the nineteenth century, Kang maintained that these philosophical precedents must be integrated with a constitutional monarchy. Between 1898 and 1911 he supported a political system that gave considerable powers to the monarch during what he hoped would be a transitional period of modernization.
18 But these tend to generalize the failings of a reform programme that may have worked if it had been implemented gradually. Fairbank and Liu claim that the Hundred Days was running smoothly while it stayed within the boundaries of educational, military and economic reforms. But once Guangxu showed a readiness to discuss political reforms (which he hesitated to do initially), he was seen as increasingly radical, and as someone whose views ran counter to the ideological stand of almost the whole of officialdom (Fairbank and Liu, 1980, p.