By Charles King
Why perform a little violent conflicts suffer around the centuries, whereas others turn into dimly remembered old struggles between forgotten peoples? Is nationalism quite the robust strength that it seemed to be within the Nineties? This wide-ranging paintings examines the conceptual intersection of nationalist ideology, social violence, and the political transformation of Europe and Eurasia over the past twenty years. the top of communism looked as if it would bring in a interval of radical change-an period of "extreme politics" that pitted countries, ethnic teams, and violent marketers opposed to each other, from the wars within the Balkans and Caucasus to the obvious upsurge in nationalist mobilization during the sector. however the final 20 years have additionally illustrated the fantastic range of political lifestyles after the top of one-party rule. Extreme Politics engages with subject matters from the micropolitics of social violence, to the heritage of nationalism experiences, to the character of demographic switch in Eurasia. released two decades because the cave in of communism, Extreme Politics charts the top of "Eastern Europe" as a spot and chronicles the continuing revolution within the scholarly research of the post-communist international.
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Additional resources for Extreme Politics: Nationalism, Violence, and the End of Eastern Europe
Since nationalism was seen as, at base, a mental state, the most that scholars could hope to do was trace its development over time and reveal the ways in which the seemingly natural division of humans into distinct national categories was the product of a historically contingent idea. Changeable and indistinct, the idea of the nation was not readily susceptible to anything other than a more or less descriptive account of its origins and evolution. ”28 But is the history of an idea ever really helpful in addressing the questions of most concern to social scientists?
When political scientists did turn their attention to questions of ethnicity or nationalism, it was most often in the context of racial, ethnic, or regional politics in the United States. Historians, for this reason, were responsible for the bulk of the scholarship produced in the United States on nations and nationalism after the First World War. 9 The hegemony of historians was not, of course, complete. Karl Deutsch in political science, Rupert Emerson in international relations, Joshua A. Fishman in linguistics, and Leonard W.
24 These writers share several conclusions about the origins and evolution of the national idea. First, the terms nation, nationality, and nationalism are inherently protean, and any attempt to arrive at an overarching deﬁnition for these terms and their derivatives does violence to their essential embeddedness in the historical periods in which they appear. Second, the emergence of the idea of timeless national communities, in which individuals are thought to express their true individuality only as part of a culturally deﬁned collective, emerged as a response to the rationalism and individualism of the Enlightenment.