By Karen Zagona
This quantity offers contemporary theoretical learn on Romance languages, chosen from papers provided on the twenty fifth Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages. It comprises experiences of person Romance languages in addition to comparative reports — either in the Romance kinfolk and with non-Romance languages (Basque, Bulgarian, Germanic and Quechua). Papers in phonetics and phonology deal with rigidity, syllable constitution, s-weakening, and the declination impact. Morphological subject matters comprise class-marker suppression and gender contract and suppletion. themes in syntactic thought comprise clitics, participial and adjectival contract, the syntax of demanding, temper, negation, adjectival predication, Tough-constructions, quantification and null gadgets.
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Additional resources for Grammatical Theory and Romance Languages: Selected Papers from the 25th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages
Də "salt" "wolf "power" "closet" "aster" "book" "earth" "mirror' The less frequent, marked stress. pattern, can be accounted for by final syllable extrametricality. An extrametricality rule renders a particular prosodic constituent (a syllable in Romanian) invisible to the application of the stress assignment rule. A constituent may be extrametrical only if it is at a designated edge of its domain (in Romanian the right edge of the stress domain). Extrametricality constrains the possible foot types to binary feet.
As Pearce reports, several of the verbs permitting clitic climbing allow a preposition to head their infinitival compie- À AND DE IN TOUGH CONSTRUCTIONS IN FRENCH 39 ment. e. an operation more akin to object shift. (9) a. Li rois Otran li1 commença (a) ti dire (Ch Nîmes:1185/1317) The king Otran himi began to tell "The King Otran began to tell him" b. Et il ne cesse de proier la (Queste 109, 19) and he not cease de beg her "And he did not cease to beg her" c. Et si te peines [de moi molt empirier] (Ch Nîmes 739) And if you try de me much denigrate "And thus do you try to denigrate me much" Pearce also reports that Object shift applies across à, yielding the alternative orders in (10a), while such option is not attested with de which always requires the object to follow, as (10b) indicates.
15)). (22) There are no scope positions between TP1 and TP2 We take the contrasts between (19a) and (21) as the crucial argument in favor of the ambiguity hypothesis of the Italian present perfect formulated in (7), since they show that there no are scope positions between TP1 and TP2. Hence the grammaticality of (3b) cannot be accounted for by LF-movement of the indefinite object — as proposed in (6a), which is now excluded by (22) — but only by the assumption that the Italian present perfect is ambiguous and that the past participle of the Italian present perfect does not always involve PAST.