By Bradley Ritter
Within the first century CE, Philo of Alexandria and Josephus provide brilliant descriptions of conflicts among Judeans and Greeks in Greek towns of the Roman Empire over numerous concerns, together with the Judeans’ civic id, the level in their responsibilities to neighborhood towns and cults, and the capability safety chance they posed to these towns. This examine analyzes the narratives of those conflicts, investigating what citizenship prestige Judeans loved, their political impact and whether or not they loved the suitable to set up associations for gazing their ancestral worship. For those narratives to be understood correctly, it's going to be assumed that many Judeans have been already electorate in their towns, and that this prestige performed a vital position in these conflicts.
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Additional info for Judeans in the Greek Cities of the Roman Empire: Rights, Citizenship and Civil Discord
Allegedly as a response to this atrocity, Judeans attacked Syrian towns and villages. Syrians responded by catching and killing Judeans within their own towns and cities. J. 464). J. 466–476). J. 477–78). J. 479). Josephus then mentions Alexandria and its Judean community. J. J. 490). 69 His picture of the outcome of the Judean resistance is rhetorically colorful. J. 496–97). Regarding Antioch, Josephus discusses conflicts that arose not long before the visit of Titus to Antioch after the fall of Jerusalem, in the fall of 70 CE.
Philo’s definition of Sukkot in In Flaccum as a “national holiday” on the “autumn equinox” has been offered as proof of a Gentile audience. 204, a work universally acknowledged to be aimed at Judeans, he describes the festival both by reference to its name given in Leviticus, “tents” (σκηναί), and also by its occurrence during the autumn equinox. But this discussion misses the real import of Philo’s words in that he sees the nature of the holy day itself as having a special significance for interpreting Flaccus’s arrest, which occurred on that day.
Unfortunately, neither Philo’s On the Judeans nor Hypothetica, is extant. 63 It might have helped counter, at least for its limited audience, a “triumphalist attitude” against the Judeans that was likely widespread after the Jewish War. 64 Martin Goodman argued that it “was well designed to appeal to popular opinion among the literate classes in the city of Rome,” (57) and so was aimed very clearly as an apologetic for Rome “to counter the great weight of anti-Judean propaganda produced by and for the Flavian dynasty 59 See Attridge 1984, 230.