By Marguerite Yourcenar
"J'ai formé le projet de te raconter ma vie." Sur son lit de mort, l'empereur romain Hadrien (117-138) adresse une lettre au jeune Marc Aurèle dans laquelle il begin par donner "audience à ses souvenirs". Très vite, le vagabondage d'esprit se constitution, se met à suivre une chronologie, ainsi qu'une rigueur de pensée propre au grand personnage. Derrière l'esthète cultivé et fin stratège qu'était Hadrien, Marguerite Yourcenar aborde les thèmes qui lui sont chers : los angeles mort, l. a. dualité déroutante du corps et de l'esprit, le sacré, l'amour, l'art et le temps. À l'image de ce dernier, ce "grand sculpteur", elle taille, façonne, affine avec volupté chacun des qualities intérieurs du grand homme à qui elle fait dire : "Je compte sur cet examen des faits pour me définir, me juger peut-être ou tout au moins pour me mieux connaître avant de mourir."
Ce sont les Mémoires d'Hadrien, troisième ouvrage publié par l'auteur, qui lui vaut une réputation mondiale. Cette destiny académicienne (élue en 1980) signe là un roman historique, mais également poétique et philosophique, à los angeles manière de L'Oeuvre au Noir qui obtint en 1968 le prix Femina. --Laure Anciel
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Additional resources for Mémoires d'Hadrien, suivi de Carnets de notes de Mémoires d'Hadrien
139 133 See, generally, for what follows Steidl (1997), (2000). 134 Frank (1997); Steidl (2000: 107, Fig. 9). 135 Coins: Steidl (1997: 76). Cf. below 135, for the continuation of coin use into the fourth century. House-building: Steidl (2000: 104–5). 136 Below 92. 137 Steidl (2000: 106); cf. below 99, 113–15, 131–2, 190. 138 Steidl (2000: 106, 109). Below 92–3. 139 Benecke (2000: 253). Prelude Fig. 4 Alamannia. 37 38 Prelude As Kreuz says, we must be careful in how we judge this. What we have is not so much a ‘primitive’ as a diVerent sort of society, in which the preservation of social traditions was more important than possible gains through economic risk.
2. Wells (1972: 158–9). 2. 37 Wells (1972: 161). 108, 110. 3. 1–21. 41 Drinkwater (1983a: 23–4). 9. 3) and Pohl (2000: 96), both citing Timpe. 45 A major change came in 14 when Tiberius, now emperor, allowed Germanicus to avenge Varus in force. 47 However, there were now additional reasons for attacking Germani. The change of ruler had unsettled Roman armies in Pannonia (under Tiberius’ son, Drusus II) and the Germanies (under Germanicus). In Lower Germany there had even been talk of Germanicus’ taking the throne.
Prope Moenum amnem devicit. Cf. below 141–2. 8 I would add that by 289 the word ‘Alamanni’ must have been suYciently long in circulation for the cultivated Gallic orator who delivered the panegyric to Maximian to deploy it without fear of being accused of neologism. 10 It is, however, less signiWcant for the understanding of what happened in the third century. It does not compel a return to ‘migration’ and ‘occupation’. Acceptance of the ‘289 argument’ allowed historians to see the evidence in a 4 Wenskus (1961), 499–500, 506–7, citing Bauer and Dannenbauer.