By Dick Stegewerns
Through the historical past of contemporary Japan there was a continuing fight to create an built-in perception of ways a politically and/or culturally self reliant Japan may possibly relate to a pluralistic and interactive international. the purpose of this research is to scrutinise nationalist and internationalist rhetoric through relatively consistent elements corresponding to own perspectives of humanity, civilisation, development, the country and the surface international, and therefore to increase new ways in the direction of the query of the connection among eastern nationalism and internationalism. This undertaking brings jointly a gaggle of relatively younger students who examine how varied generations of opinion leaders within the jap pre-war glossy period attempted to unravel what they perceived because the drawback of nationalism and internationalism.
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Extra info for Nationalism and Internationalism in Imperial Japan: Autonomy, Asian Brotherhood, or World Citizenship?
21 In Fukuzawa’s nexus of progressivism, wariness of the state and commitment to both individualism and nationalism lies the key to understanding Meiji liberal nationalism. 22 This lack of a sense of community in the new, emerging legal state, this completely contingent sense of nation, is a sharp commentary on the problem of internationalism and liberal nationalism as it took shape in the early Meiji period. But the issue remained longlived. As Schad-Seifert notes, Fukuzawa’s nationalism and the nationalism of the post-war liberal Mamyama Masao were very similar: both sought to encourage a new sense of the nation (kokumin) that rested on citizenship within the liberal state rather than the populist kind of organic nationalism that turned to indigenous forms of ethnic and cultural identity (minzoku).
Yet the solutions he arrived at diverged from liberalism, as they recapitulated the tendencies within broader segments of Japanese society towards a withdrawal from the international community in favour of reinvestment in the East Asian region. Certainly, as Kobayashi points out, regionalism itself is not inherently incompatible with liberalism or all forms of internationalism. But the values behind Royama’s regionalism are revealing, and in the end his regionalism was modelled not on the American Monroe Doctrine, but on the new world order of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.
To argue that nationalism is not the opposite of internationalism or that it should not be conceived as a force independent of internationalism requires that the question be pursued with attention to the broader context beyond the national framing of a ‘Japanese’ internationalism. Therefore I will draw from theoretical texts that may seem at first to take the discussion beyond Japan, but I do so only in order to frame a more general perspective on the question. This is especially important in a discussion on nationalism, since studies on nationalism run a risk of merely reinforcing the nationalistic tendency to think in the very categories of exceptionalism that nationalism tends to espouse.