By Anita Kalunta-Crumpton (eds.)
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Serve to reinforce 28 Scot Wortley and Akwasi Owusu-Bempah the perception that North American police officers are biased against members of the black community. However, high profile cases of police brutality involving black and Aboriginal victims are not limited to the United States. The names of people like Dudley George (Aboriginal), Albert Johnson (Black), Lester Donaldson (Black), Michael Wade Lawson (Black), Marcellus Francois (Black) and Sophia Cook (Black) are frequently used to illustrate that police use of force is a problem faced by other minority groups in Canada as well.
This disparity is particularly pronounced for those charged with drug offences. Indeed, the study found that almost a third of black offenders (31 percent) charged with a drug offence were held in detention before their trial, compared to only 10 percent of whites charged with a similar offence. This profound racial difference remains after other relevant factors – including criminal history – have been statistically controlled (Roberts and Doob, 1997). A second Toronto-area study provides additional evidence of racial bias in pretrial decision making (Kellough and Wortley, 2002).
In Chapter 10, the conclusion, I reflect upon the unique contributions of each of the chapters. I present similarities and differences in the chapters’ assessment of the theme of the book. In so doing, I place more emphasis on the Latin American and Caribbean countries generally for the principal reason that societies in these regions, relative to the North American countries, have yet to gain recognition in the Western-led international debate. My hope for Race, Ethnicity, Crime and Criminal Justice in the Americas is that it finds a readership and an appreciation within and beyond its international scope.