By Pedro Ramet
Spiritual firms in lots of nations of the communist global have served as brokers for the protection, safeguard, and reinforcement of nationalist emotions, and in taking part in this position have often been a resource of frustration to the Communist occasion elites. even if the connection among governments and spiritual teams varies based on the actual kingdom and staff in query, the mosaic of those relationships constitutes a revealing photo of the political reform shaping the lives of Soviet and East ecu voters.
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Additional info for Religion and Nationalism in Soviet and East European Politics (Duke Press policy studies)
19. Renan’s complaint about the “German” understanding of nationhood, according to which Alsatians owed allegiance to Germany in spite of their explicit identifi cation with 30 Chapter One Renan is saying, conduct a daily plebiscite in which they selectively affi rm particular parts of their cultural heritage. If Renan is right, as I believe he is, then the strict dichotomy between ethnic and civic nations corresponds to two myths or one-sided views of nationhood rather than two ways in which actual communities have been organized.
And the Jacobin reign of terror, itself “a heavily moralized political variant of ethnic cleansing,”32 was inspired by civic principles rather than ethnic solidarity. Indeed, as George Mosse reminds us, it was the emphatically civic nation of the French Jacobins that invented many of the techniques of persecution and mass paranoia exploited by twentieth-century fascists and xenophobic nationalists. 33 Focusing on political principles as the basis of collective allegiance can, it seems, make us more suspicious of each other, not less.
How can one explain the existence of this possibility for a soft landing from communism without invoking the prepolitical community of shared memory and history that tied West to East Germans, a sense of community that led the 22. ” For sympathetic discussion and criticism of Habermas’s conception of constitutional patriotism, see Booth, “Communities of Memory”; Markell, “Making Affect Safe for Democracy”; and Mueller, Constitutional Patriotism. Markell argues that although a large part of Habermas’s argument for constitutional patriotism falls prey to the myth of civic nationalism, its “minor theme” (39) presents a suggestive alternative that promotes political solidarity without assuming either a given set of principles or closed national horizons.