By Elizabeth B. Silva (auth.)
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Additional resources for Technology, Culture, Family: Influences on Home Life
It is simply that in my understanding the world in nott infinitely messy and that the complexity of heterogeneous realities can be grasped without the imposition of orders. In what ways is it possible to deal with the tension of fragments of data (slices of lives), and the wholeness of a life, in connection with other Relations 29 lives? In order to elaborate on patterns, I have drawn not only on the interviews but also on other ‘intellectual technologies’ such as data from secondary analyses, archival material, statistical data, historical accounts and readings from media and textual discourses.
Rosanne Goodman and Nancy Mitchell had more home-based routines than the other London-based women and they showed greater affinity with traditional housewifery roles. The Goodmans, the Mitchells and the Naylors (H15) had no access to the Internet at the time of the research in their homes (over 1998 and 1999). The Goodmans had no computer either. All families in my sample had greater ownership of household technologies than the national averages. This is because I was concerned with the consumption of technologies in the home and sought to gather those kinds of experiences, although diversity was also important to me.
This was a social space that also had clear templates for action, delineating roles about the interaction of the machines and our activities. These were largely invisible in a ‘seamless web’. However, our ability to engage in sociability with the goods was specific to our historical time, class and gender location, partnership and lifestyle choice. As I stressed earlier, Bourdieu’s view of a stratified and differentiated world of social connections, which qualifies the flatness of Latour’s vision of the social, does not imply that our social actions as users of the space and machines in our apartment were determined.